Purpose of the article: This article aims to explain how social inequalities are reproduced by the school system, discuss the evolution of educational disparities, and examine their impact on France’s economic development. Finally, it proposes a number of measures that could raise educational standards.
Summary:
- Students from disadvantaged backgrounds are less likely to succeed in school and pursue long and selective courses of study. However, qualification levels are a key factor in raising living standards. Students from the most disadvantaged backgrounds are therefore more likely to remain in that situation than to escape it as adults. This phenomenon is particularly evident at the local level.
- Priority education policies have not yet worked. They have probably lacked resources, but above all, they have lacked organization in terms of evaluation and monitoring strategies. The decline in academic standards also accentuates these disparities, as it affects disadvantaged students more. In addition, the introduction of digital tools in schools and lockdowns may exacerbate these inequalities.
- In addition to the social tensions that social disparities generate, they undermine the effectiveness of France’s redistributive policy, which, although it stabilizes existing inequalities, does not tend to significantly reduce them. Furthermore, the lack of inclusiveness, combined with declining academic standards, is holding back potential GDP growth.
- The policy of splitting classes to provide better teaching must be complemented by the arrival of experienced teachers. Furthermore, issues of geographical barriers and information asymmetry are still overlooked in public debate, even though they are decisive factors in a student’s academic success. Raising academic standards therefore also requires improving access to education.
According to the OECD, France has one of the school systems that most reproduces social inequalities, with the most disadvantaged students achieving the poorest results. Aware of this situation for more than 50 years, successive governments have attempted to put an end to it, without ever achieving any real success.
Reducing educational disparities is therefore an issue that transcends political ideology. Why has the executive branch, from Charles De Gaulle to Emmanuel Macron, taken such an interest in this subject? It is important to analyze how educational disparities are at the root of a mechanism that constrains economic development.
By presenting educational inequalities, ahead of a discussion on their past and future trajectories, we will discuss their impact on French economic development. A final section suggests some recommendations, some well known, others less so.
1) How does the French education system reproduce social inequalities?
1.1) The weight of socioeconomic factors in academic success
According to the 2018 PISA results, in France the weight of socioeconomic determinants in academic success is significant and even much higher than the average for OECD countries. For example, among the highest-performing students in reading comprehension, the proportion of disadvantaged students was ten times higher than that of students from privileged backgrounds. Housing conditions, household income, adult qualification levels, and other factors are all interrelated and have a direct impact on a child’s learning process.
If disadvantaged students perform at a lower level than others, they automatically find it more difficult to follow the same course of study as others. According to the 2018 PISA survey, a student from a disadvantaged background had a one in six chance of attending the same high school as a student from an advantaged background. In addition, the OECD notes that children from disadvantaged backgrounds aspire to a level of education that is below their potential in terms of their academic performance. A first link emerges: it is also because students from disadvantaged backgrounds consider themselves to be less capable that they master fewer academic skills than those from more affluent backgrounds. However, academic success and professional ambitions are decisive in gaining access to a degree that is rare in the labor market.
1.2) The link between qualification level and poverty
In 2015, the Observatoire des Inégalités noted that 84% of the population living below the poverty line had no more than a high school diploma, and one-third had no diploma at all. The level of qualification is the primary determinant of access to the job market. In 2019, INSEE estimated the unemployment rate at 15.5% for those without qualifications, compared with 5.1% for those with at least two years of post-secondary education, i.e., three times higher. For those without qualifications who left their initial education less than four years ago, the unemployment rate is estimated at 47.1%, compared to 9.6% for those who have completed at least two years of higher education. As young people have little experience to offer, qualifications play a much more important role in their employability.
In addition, a degree is a guarantee of a more stable economic situation once on the job market. On the one hand, proportionally more of the least qualified are underemployed. In 2018, nearly 10% of workers without a degree were underemployed, according to INSEE, compared to 3.6% for those with at least a two-year college degree. On the other hand, in 2018, according to INSEE data, a person with at least a two-year post-secondary degree earned on average a salary 35% higher than the estimated median net salary of €1,700, while a high school graduate and a non-graduate earned 11% and 22% less than the median salary, respectively. It should be noted that these wage disparities can be explained primarily by unequal working hours, but also by the fact that the rarer a degree is, the more its holder is able to earn an above-average salary.
Finally, the World Bank pointed out that in France, an additional year of higher education increased returns on investment by 6.9%. It should be remembered that no financial product offers such a high return these days. Thus, while disadvantaged students are the least likely to pursue long and selective courses of study, their access to the job market is more limited and the positions they fill are less lucrative. This makes it much more difficult for them than for anyone else to significantly improve their standard of living throughout their lives. This raises the question of whether students from disadvantaged social backgrounds are ultimately more likely to remain in that situation as adults. Examining this question would help to better illustrate the concept of « social mobility breakdown, » which continues to be a hot topic in public debate.
1.3) The youngest age groups are the most vulnerable
The link between qualification levels and poverty can also be observed at the regional level. Of the 44 departments with poverty rates above the French average, 42 also had a higher-than-average proportion of the population without qualifications in 2017. Seine-Saint-Denis is a good example of this, as it is both the poorest department in mainland France and the least qualified in terms of the proportion of people without qualifications.
However, the poorest areas are also those with the highest birth rates in the country, particularly in urban areas and overseas territories. For example, in 2019, Seine-Saint-Denis had a birth rate 65% higher than the metropolitan average, and its natural growth rate contributed four times more to population renewal than the average observed in metropolitan France. In fact, the risk of academic failure ultimately affects our youngest populations, suggesting that inequalities will persist at the national level, but especially at the local level.
2) How can such dynamics be explained?
2.1) The failure of public policy
Since the work of the Rouchette Commission began in 1967, France has been trying to address the problem of inequality of opportunity in schools. In 1981, priority education policies were introduced, in the wake of the major reforms of the 1970s, in order to implement a policy of educational differentiation in the most disadvantaged areas. These policies consist of providing students deemed disadvantaged with differentiated teaching so that they can develop a learning pace and level of autonomy similar to the average by the age of 16, the age at which schooling is no longer compulsory. To this end, additional resources are allocated to them. However, it must be noted that these policies have not yet been successful. The Azéma-Mathiot report from November 2019, which was commissioned by Jean-Michel Blanquer a year earlier, puts forward several reasons for these failures.
First, it mentions a lack of regional strategies. Central authorities evaluate and implement their policies primarily on the basis of performance criteria, without taking into account local developments in the region. This also implies another problem: exclusion through targeting. Too few schoolchildren in rural areas benefit from priority education policies because they achieve results similar to the average, at least until secondary school. However, disadvantaged students are present in almost all schools in France, raising questions about the relevance of targeting territories rather than schools. The Court of Auditors pointed out that in 2016, priority education policy covered 20% of French students but only benefited 30% of the students it considers disadvantaged.
In addition, the 2014 reform sparked a debate about the inadequacy of the resources allocated to priority students. The Court of Auditors estimated that the additional cost of priority education for the 2015-2016 school year represented 4% of France’s total expenditure on public schools and colleges, or €1.4 billion. In addition, there is a 22% higher per capita investment for ZEP students. However, these amounts were probably lower before 2014, and these additional costs are aimed more at training teachers, who are generally younger and less experienced in ZEPs than elsewhere. It is therefore important to understand that these amounts were not allocated to compensate for thirty years of underfunding, but to respond to current practical constraints. Furthermore, there is no evidence to suggest that these new resources are sufficient.
2.2) Declining academic standards
The DEPP’s research shows that the overall level of CM2 students declined between 1987 and 1999, then stagnated until 2007 before declining slightly again between 2007 and 2017. While these declining results affect all students regardless of their social background, the analysis nevertheless specifies that this decline in standards is more pronounced among students who are « behind » in mastering the school curriculum. These students are more likely to come from disadvantaged backgrounds. However, the phenomenon of a general decline in academic standards is not unique to the French school system, as it can be observed in most OECD countries.
According to PISA results, the average level in the OECD has been declining since at least 2006 in science, reading comprehension, and mathematics. In addition, it should also be noted that the level of French students is average for OECD countries, or even slightly above average. Nevertheless, an increase in inequality coupled with a decline in standards has more costly theoretical consequences than if it occurred despite an increase in academic standards. All other things being equal, a decline in standards undermines education policies, as more resources per capita are needed for more students in order to raise academic standards.
2.3) New risks of exacerbating educational inequalities
Public authorities now have to operate in an environment that has changed significantly in a short period of time compared to previous decades. Lockdown raises questions about the evolution of educational inequalities in the short term. The DEPP published a briefing note in which it estimated school dropout rates during lockdown at 6% and 10% in primary and secondary education respectively. However, these rates were twice as high in priority education areas. Beyond the issue of school dropouts, only time will tell whether students will fall behind in terms of skills.
Furthermore, the introduction of digital tools in schools, which began before lockdown, may exacerbate inequalities, according to OECD research. Firstly, their introduction has not yet had a significant impact on reducing educational inequalities within member countries. In fact, they only optimize learning when students have strong skills in language, mathematics, and logic. Furthermore, not all students have access to the same equipment or the same network to familiarize themselves with IT. There is therefore a risk that the most disadvantaged students will progress more slowly than their more privileged peers, or even fail to progress at all, further exacerbating educational inequalities.
3) Discussion on the impact of educational inequalities on economic development
3.1) Obstacles to structural changes in GDP
The idea that the skills of the workforce influence its production is already present in the writings of Adam Smith, Alfred Marshall, and even Karl Marx. The work of Theodore Schultz (1961) and then Gary Becker (1975) led to the development of a theory known as human capital theory, in which they show that better training for individuals leads to increased productivity and therefore higher wages. In the 1990s, the work of Paul Romer (1986) and Robert Lucas (1988) gave rise to endogenous growth theories, in which human capital, characterized by investment in education, is the starting point for technical progress, which is fundamental to the innovation process and guarantees a region’s competitiveness in trade as well as long-term GDP growth.
A more skilled workforce is better able to specialize in higher value-added activities. There are two ways to boost this long-term, or structural, growth through education: the quantity and quality of workers. First, the more skilled people there are, the greater the likelihood of ensuring, on a macroeconomic scale, an increasing level of production. If, in addition, the quality of these workers rises at the microeconomic level, there will automatically be an increase in worker productivity, all other things being equal, which will generate higher per capita income. Thus, in theory, a more inclusive school system that guarantees higher educational attainment has direct positive effects on long-term growth.
3.2) Budgetary control in the face of inequality
Education is the largest item of public expenditure, with a budget of €102.7 billion in 2020. Education and higher education alone account for 52.8% of public employment, or more than half. Reflecting on budgetary control therefore inevitably requires looking at education policies and investment in research and development. This makes all the more sense given that, according to Schumpeterian models, these investments are crucial for raising the potential growth level of an economy, which is also a determining factor in the state’s ability to reduce its debt burden. It should be remembered that interest payments are currently the fourth largest item of public expenditure, ahead of higher education.
In its current state, our education system perpetuates the risk that the most disadvantaged will continue to depend on social assistance to make ends meet. Indeed, if their level of qualification leads them to the lowest-paid and least secure jobs, both in terms of working hours and the nature of the contract, they are automatically more likely to have lower incomes. The French state provides them with financial support in various areas, such as health, housing, and training. This premise calls our model into question: while it may be able to stabilize the level of inequality through its strong redistributive policy, can it really reduce it significantly? The theory assumes that, all other things being equal, a more inclusive school system tends to reduce the number of people claiming social assistance and benefits in the long term. The amounts paid will thus decrease on an aggregate scale without reducing the amounts paid on a microeconomic scale.
3.2) Education as a source of positive externalities for development
Amartya Sen’s work offers a new perspective that goes beyond the monetary framework for understanding development. Assuming that an individual’s capabilities are in fact a set of real freedoms that aim to exploit their potential and find a path in life, a person would only be able to increase their well-being by realizing a capability. Sen considers education to be a fundamental means of capitalizing on an individual’s capabilities. For example, a more qualified individual is better able to pursue the career path they desire.
In theory, we would also expect a more qualified individual living on a more than decent income to be in good health. It should be noted that in 2016, according to Santé Publique France, the population of Seine-Saint-Denis, although the youngest but also the poorest and least qualified in France, was the most affected by diabetes. This observation is no coincidence, since education, standard of living, and health are ultimately three factors that influence each other. Better education tends to lead to a better standard of living, and vice versa. Higher income tends to be associated with better health, just as good health is a determining factor in standard of living.
Finally, one last example of positive externalities is the preservation of our democratic system. Simone Weil argues in her book « The Need for Roots » that truth is a fundamental need of the soul that guarantees freedom of action. She also sees education as the best means of accessing this need. At a time when fake news is proliferating on the internet, it is necessary to question the sustainability of our democracy. Isn’t this phenomenon an attack on our freedom of expression and opinion? Could social media, by exacerbating the proliferation of false information, be damaging the bond between individuals and institutions? What can we expect from the decisions of the same people who are called upon to express their views on European and national political projects?
4) What approaches can be taken to develop the inclusiveness of the school system?
4.1) Strengthening educational support for the most disadvantaged
Since 2014, France has been working to double the number of classes in ZEPs (priority education zones), particularly in primary schools, where there are an average of 23 pupils per class compared to an average of 15 in the OECD zone. This policy is aimed at strengthening educational support for the most disadvantaged, but often it is young teachers, sometimes without experience, who teach in ZEPs. However, the students who struggle the most are undoubtedly those who need the most experienced teachers. The policy of higher salaries in ZEPs is not enough to attract them. We need to make areas that suffer from a poor image, often unjustifiably so, more attractive. It is also necessary to initiate rapid and large-scale social diversity within schools, particularly in metropolitan areas where the transport network allows it, so that educational choices no longer take into account the address of the pupils as a deterrent.
4.2) Improving access to education
In France, 30% of students use public transportation to get to school. Half of these students live in rural areas, while the other half live in urban areas. However, according to the Azéma-Mathiot report, the issue of transportation has not been sufficiently studied by public authorities. Geographical distance is a factor in motivation and academic success. It is all the more important in higher education, where it is a considerable barrier: nearly a third of the universities in the 2020 Shanghai ranking are located in the Île-de-France region.
Information asymmetry is another current issue that is overlooked by both science and politics. Children whose parents are less qualified are also less likely to be aware of opportunities in higher education, working methods, or the cultural references needed to succeed. However, it is entirely legitimate to think that this phenomenon amplifies educational inequalities: it is also because the most disadvantaged students are less informed that they see less value in pursuing long and selective courses of study.
Conclusion
Educational disparities can be observed between social backgrounds, and therefore between regions, leading to a vicious circle in which disadvantaged students are more likely to become disadvantaged adults. Public policies have never been able to reverse this trend, due to a lack of resources and effective regional strategies. However, they constrain the growth potential of the French state and the effectiveness of its social welfare system, which is undoubtedly one of the most extensive in the world, but which has not been able to significantly reduce social disparities.
However, this paper overlooks a whole debate on the values of our society. If our school system fails to give students equal opportunities to succeed at school, it undermines the principle of equal opportunities, reaffirmed by a law of the same name passed in 2006 after the 2005 riots in the suburbs. Thus, while there are obvious economic benefits to reducing educational inequalities, the state also has a duty to ensure that our school system provides a viable, livable, and sustainable model for all.
